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Citizenship and land in Zimbabwe

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ALTHOUGH Section 35 of the Zimbabwe Constitution says: “All Zimbabwean citizens are equally entitled to the rights, privileges and benefits of citizenship”; and Section 91 says: “A person qualifies for election as President or Vice-President if he or she is a Zimbabwean citizen by birth or descent,” it must always be remembered that land, not citizenship, is the basis of equality in Africa and Zimbabwe.
Land is the cause of conflict between whites and blacks in Africa and Zimbabwe.
Land was the cause of the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe and Africa.
And land is the basis of racism against Africans in Zimbabwe and Africa.
Whites have more land in Zimbabwe and Africa than Africans.
Whites have exclusive rights to land in Europe.
Africans have none in Europe.
Land was also the basis of colonialism in Zimbabwe and Africa.
Colonialism is a white philosophy of taking away other people’s lands and turning them into theirs.
Colonies are white settlements on land taken away from others through conquest.
There can never be equality between blacks and whites in Zimbabwe and Africa as long as Africans do not take back their land from whites.
The ideal is for Africans to demand full restoration of their land as their inalienable heritage from whites.
Any effort to try and enforce equality between blacks and whites without addressing the demand for full reclamation of African land from whites is a repression that only serves to refuel the desire in Africans to take up arms once again and fight to repossess their land.
But repressions of peoples’ demand for their land have never been wise decisions to make. This has been proven repeatedly by history.
Wherever repression of peoples’ rights to their land occur, in whatever form, there are bound to be explosions.
Examples are Palestine, Libya, Egypt, South Africa and Iraq.
But history has also proven that colonialists would rather die a thousand deaths than co-exist with the people whose land they have taken; in whatever area of interaction, social, religious or economic.
Equality to them is an unthinkable business.
It makes them go mad.
“There shall be no equality between blacks and whites south of the Zambezi, in church or in state.
“Equal rights are for civilised men south of the Zambezi.” That was Cecil John Rhodes, the architect of Anglo-Saxon superiority over Africans, swearing by the Bible.
He was serious when he said equal rights were for ‘civilised men’.
He was a ‘homosexual’.
He loathed ‘women and Africans’ as filthy and ‘uncivilised’.
White males dominated his British South Africa Company.
They were sexist and racist.
White women were left at home as housewives.
African men interacted with whites only at the workplace with Europeans as their masters and Africans as servants treated like children.
“The African is a child.
“And with children nothing can be done without the use of authority.
“With regard to Africans then, I have coined the formula: “I am your brother, it is true, but your elder brother,” declared the world-renowned white missionary, Albert Schweitzer.
This father and child relationship between Africans and Europeans will never die.
A British governor of Rhodesia developed it and called it “the partnership between the horse and the rider.”
The African is the horse.
The white man is the rider.
It is the same philosophy that led Smith to declare that: “There shall never be majority rule in Zimbabwe in a thousand years.”
It was the philosophy that led David Livingstone to declare that “We, the British, come among Africans as members of a superior race that desires to elevate the more degraded portions of the human family. It is on the Anglo-Saxon race that the hope of the world for liberty and progress rests.”
It is the philosophy that led the British explorer, Samuel Baker, to declare that: “England possesses a power that enforces a grave responsibility.
“She has the force to civilise.
“She is the natural coloniser of the world to wrest from utter savagery those mighty tracts of the earth’s surface from the creation of the world, a darkness to be enlightened by English colonisation.”
With such Anglo-Saxon mentality in mind, Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede dare not propose a different perspective on birth control in Africa than that proposed by whites.
Thabo Mbeki dare not propose a different perspective on HIV and AIDS than that championed by whites.
President Robert Mugabe dare not propose a land redistribution programme or rule of law than those put in place by whites.
Africans must accept what white people say without question or be damned.
“We cannot pretend that the Bantu are capable of presenting us with a philosophical treatise with an adequate vocabulary.
“It is we who must develop it and tell them their innermost conception of being,” says Father Temples.
“There never was a civilised nation other than white, eminent either in action or speculation,” says David Hume.
“Never yet could I find that a black had uttered a thought above the level of plain narration,” said Thomas Jefferson, as president of America.
“I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between white and black races in America,” declared Abraham Lincoln as president of America.
“There are physical differences that forbid their living together upon equal footing.
“I am in favour of the race to which I belong having the superior position.”
“America’s blacks could only marginally benefit from federal programmes because they are genetically inferior to whites,” said Richard Nixon, as president of America.
“If it weren’t for the British, we wouldn’t have Negroes in this country, we wouldn’t have this mess,” said Billy Graham, the world famous Evangelist of America.
One would not believe that Karl Marx, the architect of the Marxist philosophy that shook the world, held racist views about Africans.
In a letter to Engels in 1862, he writes about LaSalle, the African scholar who had introduced him to African systems of social organisation and governance which Marx had plagiarised and made his own, saying:
“It is entirely clear to me that as his cranial structure and hair type prove, Lassalle is descended from the Negroes who joined Moses’ flight from Egypt.
“His mother or paternal union of Jewry and Germanism with the Negro-like basic substance must necessarily result in a remarkable product.
“The officiousness of the fellow is Nigger-like.”
With the above in mind, nothing short of a revolution to reclaim our land and heritage from whites will ever remove the superiority complex of whites over our land.
Nothing short of a revolution to repossess our land and control its wealth and destiny–material and spiritual, intellectual and metaphysical–will ever succeed to remove the inferiority complex in blacks received from indoctrination by whites.
Dialogues and debates between whites and blacks without focus on repossession and control of our land and all its wealth are all meant to confuse and lead us astray into everlasting bondage by whites.

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