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Another dead GNU pipe dream

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GIVEN the questions of doubt aimed at MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai after his loss in the July 31 2013 harmonised elections, posters of his rebranding could have been placed at Chatham House by none other than himself to ‘reinvent’ his diminished political fortunes.
This was an opportunity for Tsvangirai to tell his ‘way forward’ for the country.
But alas we were left with another seismic shock and palpable disappointment.
At Chatham House in London last week, all that Tsvangirai could do was to beg the so-called international community to give him an opportunity for another ‘dance’ in government.
The internationally brokered talks, Tsvangirai said, would help Zimbabwe stop what he claimed was a ‘deepening economic crisis’.
What crisis Mr Tsvangirai when the economy is on the rebound?
“An internationally-brokered national dialogue of all stakeholders would be a good starting point to avert the national crisis gripping the nation,” Tsvangirai said.
“Zimbabweans do not have any faith in the government in Harare because they know they did not vote for it.” 
There are several points to consider from Tsvangirai’s Chatham House rumblings, but chief among them, is that Zimbabwe has moved on without the beleaguered opposition malcontent.
In the same vein, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) which brokered talks that gave birth to the Inclusive Government has also moved on.
The European Union (EU) which backed Tsvangirai’s bid to the State House has jumped ship and endorsed President Robert Mugabe’s leadership.
The Western bloc has indicated that it will in November scrap the remaining package of the sanctions embargo it imposed against Harare both over the Land Reform and Resettlement Programme and as route to Tsvangirai’s ascendancy to power in Zimbabwe.
Interestingly, a point which could have been lost on Tsvangirai is that Chatham House, the venue of his dismal outing in May published a report that called on the West to re-engage Harare minus the opposition as a matter of urgency.
The Chatham House report was premised on the fact that following President Mugabe’s thumping of Tsvangirai’s MDC-T, Zimbabwe was moving towards restoring and recovering an economy battered by years of isolation of Harare.
The West, noted Chatham House’s report, would be left out on the vast investment opportunities in Zimbabwe, particularly from China which has shown key and solid interest in Harare.
This is why on June 17, the European Union Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Aldo Dell Ariccia, gave a crucial speech, which confirmed Chatham House’s thinking on Zimbabwe.
He said there was no leadership crisis in the country, which point Tsvangirai tried, but dismally failed to hammer home in his Chatham House presentation, ‘because we have the same people we have in the party and Government’.
In his speech, Dell Ariccia took aim at the civil society, itself a key arm of the opposition octopus, saying he had ‘the impression that you are a little bit anchored to the past’, just like Tsvangirai who for some strange reason denies the reality of the future beckoning for the country.
It is important to note that while Tsvangirai’s bid for the talks will never happen, it is his elimination from the country’s politics as the key player he thinks he still is.
Tsvangirai’s desperate clamours to get back into governance are replete with connotations of a man who wants to be part of the history that President Mugabe is making.
Stuck on the verge of oblivion, Tsvangirai might have realised rather too late that he could be sitting on the high tables in Victoria Falls when Zimbabwe hosts the 34th SADC Heads of State and Government Summit this month.
This week Stephen Chan, Professor of World Politics at School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and a key advisor to Britain’s foreign policy tore into Tsvangirai’s wounds when he said President Mugabe ascension to the chair of SADC was recognition of his role in African history.
Tsvangirai realises he cannot make any history without President Mugabe’s hand and help hence his futile bid for another government of national unity.
“My view is that both SADC and the African Union (AU) which signalled these appointments some time ago, wish to recognise Mugabe’s role in African history..,” said Prof Chan.
Tsvangirai misses not only getting drunk with one pound in Rhodesia but the trappings of power acquired during the inclusive Government.
Why would he want to ‘talk’ with a government he does not recognise?
What has changed between now and August 1 2013 when he described the election as a ‘monumental fraud’?
What value will he add that he failed to provide during his disastrous tenure as prime minister in the discredited inclusive Government?
We are at a critical stage in the history of our country where egos have no place.
Instead what we have is a Government that is in the process of delivering Zimbabwe from the horrors of economic devastation wrought on us by Tsvangirai and company through their sanctions.
Let those with ears listen.

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