THIS series insists that Benjamin Freeth, son-in-law of the late apartheid war criminal Mike Campbell is indeed a pathological racist.
It is characteristic of all pathological racists to always view their victims as naïve recipients of their misinformation.
A perfect example of this phenomenon is how in a BBC Hardtalk interview during the Third Chimurenga, Benjamin Freeth denied the allegation that white settlers were in exclusive possession of the prime (quality)  land in Zimbabwe.
In response to BBC Hardtalk host Stephen Sackur’s observation of a ‘fundamental’ racial inequality in the distribution of the most fertile and productive and therefore ‘most profitable land’ in Zimbabwe, Freeth’s exact words were: “The quality land is, I think, a little bit of a misnomer.
“We in fact had invasions and people leaving our land … saying that our land was rubbish because the whole propaganda machine made it out to make us out to be the people that owned all the best land.
“That wasn’t true at all.”
And yet, now, years later, his  Zimbabwe Independent article insists that: “a new, well-connected black elite of about 2 200 people control(led) close to half of the most profitable land seized from about 4 100 commercial farmers.”  
One then wonders how a new black elite is suddenly now in possession of quality land that was never the exclusive possession of white settlers.
It is obvious that in his mind, Freeth does not expect black people to remember anything or pick out his inconsistencies. 
In retrospect, it also does not make any sense that he should be talking of his farm having been invaded if in his words:  “We in fact had invasions and people leaving our land … saying that our land was rubbish because the whole propaganda machine made it out to make us out to be the people that owned all the best land.”
Benjamin Freeth’s Zimbabwe Independent article: ‘Land: Mugabe strips whites of rights’, was shamelessly written with the hope of mobilising sympathy for William Stander, a white commercial farmer whose farm was compulsorily acquired and re-distributed to a black beneficiary to correct a colonial injustice.
In an attempt to rouse up outrage, Freeth alleges that Stander is an amputee who lost both legs while trying to retrieve stolen cattle. 
It does not matter to the racist that perhaps Stander might himself actually be a Rhodesian who originally confiscated African cattle or benefitted from forebears who perpetrated the crime on black Zimbabweans in colonial Rhodesia.
That too is characteristic of pathological racists.
One also feels that Freeth deliberately leaves the suspects in Stander’s case in oblique because in his racist mind they are obviously black.
It is again characteristic of all pathological racists to stereotype black people as thieves.
After ‘stealing black people’ from Africa and enslaving them in Europe and America, European racists always accused their ‘human loot’ of being the thieves. And today, that theft of black people is the reason why even though black people make up less than two percent of Britain’s population, they ironically constitute a disproportionate 15 percent of the country’s prison population.
And in colonial Rhodesia, British settlers who had ‘stolen’ black people’s land and livestock for re-distribution among themselves ironically proceeded to stereotype their victims as the thieves.
It is clearly racist Freeth’s disturbing expectation that black Zimbabweans will accept his story at face value and indeed sympathise with Stander.
Like other pathological racists, he does not credit black people with enough intellect to interpret the story in their own interests.
He does not expect black people to remember that the contested land is their birthright. 
He does not expect black Zimbabweans to remember that homosexual Cecil Rhodes used violence and genocide (not compensation) to confiscate black people’s land and livestock.
Like all pathological racists, Benjamin Freeth is so caught up in racial self-importance that for him, the only disabled person who deserves sympathy in Zimbabwe should be white.
The generations of black people who were physically, psychologically, economically and culturally maimed by the Western-sponsored Rhodesian colonial establishment, to empower the likes of William Stander, do not matter or deserve compensation. 
Freeth actually believes that Zimbabwe’s justice system, should abandon a whole national programme to correct a historical injustice because a single white beneficiary of that injustice is now disabled!
It is indeed difficult to pity Freeth.

(To be continued)