KNOWN as the ears and eyes of ZANU, this judicious amphibian, and highly disciplined military cadre, spent many unwavering years waiting at the waterhole.
That the ‘Crocodile’ emerged victorious from the murky waters of the previous Government comes as no surprise, given his past military training and a military leader that was always dedicated to his comrades-in-arms and the people of Zimbabwe.
Already then, he was a staunch defender of national unity, security and an advocate for peace, order, fairness, justice and prosperity for the ordinary citizens of Zimbabwe.
Many Zimbabweans may not be aware of President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa’s many achievements in the military, legal, political and diplomatic spaces during the past decades, since he joined the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU–now ZANU) as a new recruit at a very young age in 1962.
By the early age of 18, military discipline was well-instilled in him; as was his vision of a better future for his country indelibly imprinted in his mind.
A chronological review and appraisal of President Mnangagwa’s national developmental stance will demonstrate that he has never wavered since independence.
There are many unsung achievements initiated and executed by President Mnangagwa that need to be acknowledged.
In the aftermath of the Ceasefire in 1979, many people wondered how military and civic integration between historical foes could possibly be achieved, in view of the divergent aims and beliefs which many of the citizens and ex-combatants had.
These challenges had, however, been foreseen during the Lancaster House negotiations held in London in 1979, between the Patriotic Front leaders and opposing parties.
As a former guerilla fighter, Cde Mnangagwa was well disposed to understand and appreciate the apprehensions, views and aspirations of the former fighters.
As a military strategist, mindful of the multitude of challenges, President Mnangagwa was instrumental in bringing together former enemies and opponents and forging them into a single military force with a common loyalty to Government and a single allegiance to Zimbabwe.
According to President Mnangagwa: “The important thing is to ensure that the integration pace is sure, consistent and persistent. For this, as well as for achieving the sought-after goal, patience and persuasion are invaluable instruments. Sympathy and empathy are also important elements.”
These same elements of sympathy and empathy he displayed during the recent military intervention in the country during November (2017).
At independence in 1980, Cde Emmerson Mnangagwa was appointed Minister of State (Security), in (the then) Prime Minister’s office, a position he held until 1988.
Subsequent to his appointment as National Security Minister, he was also placed in charge of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO).
As Minister responsible for the State Security, Cde Mnangagwa was known for his legal mind as much as his solid military and intelligence background; often instrumental in thwarting potentially hostile military threats against Zimbabwe – mainly during the mid-1980s.
This was particularly borne out in the early 1980s, when as a newly-independent nation, Zimbabwe experienced internal unrest and several externally-instigated acts of destabilisation fuelled by the previous racist apartheid South African Government under the governance of P.K. Botha.
Reporting to a hushed House of Assembly, at the time, Cde Mnangagwa said: “Some of those recruited for subversion were being sent to Namibia.
I have concrete proof regarding identities of persons, names of places as well as dates which together paint a clear picture of a threat to stability.”
Lamenting the lack of commitment by the people saying: “Although the state did not seek a nation of yes men and women…. democracy would contract if there was no commitment by all.
By means of rumours, incitement, reckless politicking and malicious twisting of facts, an atmosphere has been deliberately created in which confidence in the present political status quo is constantly undermined,” — sentiments that became the hallmark of Zimbabwe’s society.
As early as 1981, as Minister of State for Security, he was called upon to quell some dissident dissatisfaction and neutralised numerous threats to the nation’s national security.
During violent post-war revolts which left over 167 ex-combatants dead, he became the man responsible for managing the rebellious conflict and for the total disarming of all ex-combatants, under the auspices of the Joint High Command, prior to moving into new camps.
It was reported at the time, that some cadres were attempting to hide their weapons in caches.
Cde Mnangagwa was appointed to Head the Military Joint High Command in April 1981; a military unit establishment to help with the integration of the disparate armed forces, assisted by 120 British military instructors sent by the British Government.
The command included among others, Commander Rex Nhongo (Solomon Mujuru) and Dumiso Dabengwa.
Delegated to lead negotiations, he became known as the strongest negotiating authority between the warring parties.
Well-attuned to their anguish and needs he often acted as a counsellor/mentor to his subordinates.
Following the peaceful resolution to the post-war disagreements, Cde Mnangagwa, as Minister of State Security and head of the Military Joint High Command, spearheaded the disarmament and integration of 65 000 former ZIPRA and ZANLA guerillas into the new Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), with the initial formation of 15 new battalions.
By September 1981, he oversaw the formation a total of 36 battalions of 1 050 men each; consisting of soldiers from former guerilla freedom fighters and the Rhodesian security forces.
He called on the Army to “Remain apolitical and to owe their allegiance only to the State…, because the state is an entity which is non-political, the army which protects that State must necessarily be non-political…What is being demanded of you is more than what is normally demanded from soldiers entering the army in other places of the world.
You will be required to develop an allegiance to the State of Zimbabwe, although we realise the strength of the hold on your minds are of historical events.”
Ever cognisant of his responsibility, in March 1981, he initiated a demobilisation scheme whereby both ZANLA and ZIPRA forces would receive allowances, ‘for a reasonable period after leaving the army’.
He also affirmed that the Government did not consist of ‘chauvinists… that women guerrillas in both guerrilla armies would not be ignored’.
War collaborators were also not forgotten.
During the inaugural general meeting of Zimbabwe’s War Collaborators’ Association, held at the Party’s headquarters, Cde Mnangagwa recognised the role they played, pledging financial support in recognition of their contribution to the liberation war.
He affirmed: “The liberation struggle would not have been successful if there were no collaborators.
You were our eyes and ears and there is no sane person who would abandon his walking stick when he knows that he can’t walk without it.”
In the mid-1980s, while still basking in its newly-attained independence, Zimbabwe was singled out as a target for destabilisation, instigated and sponsored by aggrieved Rhodesians and apartheid South African regime.
During which time, the country experienced numerous unprovoked acts of terrorist aggressions.
Cde Mnangagwa’s clear-sighted competency and military expertise came to the fore.
He defused many potential acts of destabilisation, including those to be perpetrated against members of the Frontline States.
In 1982, Cde Mnangagwa was responsible for uncovering two South African mercenary spy rings that were allegedly involved in the sabotage of various military and air force bases in the country.
Among foreign destabilising activities were the bombing of the ‘Independence Arch’ along the Airport Road; bombing of tanks at former KGVI now (Josiah Magama Tongogara) and the armoury Depot at Nkomo Barracks – carried out in August 1981; during the attack $36 249 639,65 worth of arms and ammunition of the Zimbabwe National Army were reportedly destroyed.
The series of massive explosions were recorded by seismographic stations as far as Malawi – the most powerful blast measuring 2,7 on the Richter Scale, and the smallest blast measuring 1,8 and were experienced at ‘almost hourly intervals – ruling out an accident’, as was confirmed by Cde Mnangagwa on national television.
In February 1985, following the spread of international acts of terrorism, in Zimbabwe illustrated through radical acts of hostage-taking, hijaking of aircrafts and seizure of diplomatic premises, Cde Mnangagwa was instrumental in establishing an elite specialist Task Force drawn from the police and army to work in conjunction with the air force to quell such activities.
The elite task force was to deal with any unforeseen situations arising as a result of any such unprovoked terrorism which Zimbabwe would find itself involved in; albeit inadvertently.
In May 1986, a spate of terrorist bomb attacks rocked Harare sponsored by the apartheid Pretoria regime targeting ANC offices and residences.
This followed the apprehension of an apartheid South African-sponsored intelligence spying unit sent on military espionage to ascertain Zimbabwe’s military strength and the disposition of the armed forced.
As a sign of his patriotic magnanimity, following the bombings, Cde Mnangagwa appealed to all Zimbabweans later that year (October 1986), to: “Guard jealously our hard-won independence and be vigilant against those who are bent on subverting the Government.”
In 1982, the first incursion into the country by apartheid South Africa was reported at Sengwe, in south-western Zimbabwe, during which time 19 infiltrators were killed by Zimbabwean forces.
Increased banditry activities into the country by South African-backed MNR bandits were also being experienced in the Zambezi Valley and areas bordering Malawi and Mozambique, from where they operated.
Cognisant that insecurity is a deterrent to regional and national development, Cde Mnangagwa was instrumental in containing escalating acts of brutality and destabilisation that were being carried out by the apartheid South African regime at the time.
In the spirit of peaceful co-existence and in order to maintain security along Zimbabwe’s borders, Cde Mnangagwa initiated the formation of a common security Bloc with the six SADC member states: Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia. The six Frontline States also agreed to share intelligence and security information.
The most significant characteristic of Cde Mnangagwa is his ability to put ‘his all’ into each of his given roles.
A force in his own right, he is innovative, dedicated, well-informed and straight-forward; fully dedicated to Zimbabwe, its people and respect for the rule of law.
A chronological account of Cde Mnangagwa’s steadfast socio-economic, legal and developmental policies over the years reveals a clear-cut mind, one bent on fairness, justice and the goodwill of mankind.
As early as 1985, as Chairman for National Security and Business Development, he assured businessmen during a meeting on November 16, that the Government would, “maintain its efforts to maintain a conducive socio-political climate for conducting business in the country.”
Cde Mnangagwa was appointed Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs in 1988.
As a trained lawyer, holding Law Degrees from the Universities of Zambia and London, it was a portfolio he was eminently suited to, directing his focus on many pressing issues of the time.
Protection and development rights of the people, gender, care of the elderly, protection from the HIV and AIDS pandemic and making revolutionary changes in the inheritance laws that affected most Zimbabweans were some absorbing issues at the time.
Revealing his empathy for gender issues, Cde Mnangagwa advised that despite the effectiveness of the new law, it was still important for Zimbabweans to, “develop a culture of writing wills to prevent succession wrangles when they died.” (October 30 1997).
The judiciary not only guarantees the sanctity of the Constitution.
It also serves as an important bulwark against the abuse of power by other branches of Government.
While serving as Minister of Justice Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, the Minister introduced several new acts and amendments to the Zimbabwe Constitution.
In 2002, during the process of formulating the new Zimbabwe Constitution, as Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, Cde Mnangagwa was responsible for fine-tuning the instrument of governance and overtly called for ‘the common man’s contribution’.
He was adamant Government was ready to respect the people’s views in the new Constitution; advocating contributors to come up with ‘a people-driven Constitution’ and urged contributors to the constitutional debate to speak freely without fear or favour, to help the Commission ‘come up with a Constitution that Zimbabweans would be proud of.’
As a defender of the nation, he believed that the will and opinion of the people was paramount in drafting the new Constitution. “The Constitution should be tailored to meet varied identities. Foreigners taking part in the deliberations, should not be preaching democracy to Zimbabwe, but should share ideas and experiences as well as provide a critique of the country’s Constitution objectively,” he said.
These sentiments were triggered by the ethos of Chimurenga, and the will and opinion of ordinary people that Mbuya Nehanda and Sekuru Kaguvi had stood steadfastly for, over 120 years ago.
Cde Mnangagwa served as acting Minister of Finance between 1995 and 1996.
During a drive to promote Zimbabwe abroad, Cde Mnangagwa addressed indigenous Zimbabwean businessmen in January 1997, in Washington, Gaborone and Johannesburg, on investment initiatives and opportunities in the country.
He encouraged foreign-based Zimbabweans to invest in their Motherland.
He was both, cognisant and critical of the authorities’ past empowerment methods for indigenous people who were being squeezed by high interest rates and were unable to provide the necessary guarantee demanded by financial institutions; “Black development”, he said was “taking a back seat.”
The privatisation of parastatals was another major issue at the time.
He resolved that Government should ‘get out of the business of business’ and privatise some of the institutions.
He was appointed Speaker of Parliament in 2000 until 2005.