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War against corruption

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CORRUPTION in the public sector hampers the efficiency of public services, undermines confidence in public institutions and increases the cost of public transactions.
Integrity is essential for building strong institutions resistant to corruption.
The common and public flaunting of personal and often illicit wealth has led to widespread criticism of most ruling parties across Africa.
With the emergence of vibrant opposition parties, active civil society and influence from Western countries, ensuring that the integrity of government decision-making is not compromised by public officials’ private interests is a growing public concern.
Conflict of interests has led to the growing call for politicians to declare their assets.
In some cases this declaration of assets has played a role in the swaying of mass opinion about a particular candidate during an election.
Declaration of assets is viewed with disdain by most politicians as they view it as an invasion of privacy, while the electorate interprets this reluctance to mean that politicians are hiding ill-gained wealth.
At the beginning of this month, Nigeria President, Muhammadu Buhari and his Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo, declared their assets, a move that is viewed as a follow-up on Buhari’s promise to tackle corruption and also encourages more transparency in his government.
In early January 2013, an independent anti-corruption commission in Slovenia released a report critical of the Prime Minister, Janez Janša and the leader of the opposition, Zoran Janković, for hiding high-value assets and for not listing potential conflicts of interests, including business deals with companies that have government contracts.
The news sparked a public outcry with calls for their resignations and shone a spotlight on the role of asset declarations in preventing corruption in politics.
That same year, in Argentina, the extraordinary 1 150 percent increase in the personal wealth of President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner since 2003 caused widespread comment because although she declared her assets, it was not clear where the increase came from.
In 2012 in Zimbabwe, the now retired Clerk of Parliament, Austin Zvoma, revealed that, “Since 2000 we have had a motion compelling legislators to declare their assets, but up until now, only a small number have come up.
“What message are you then sending to the people who elected you who expect you to be accountable?”
Zvoma castigated the legislators for demanding accountability from other public officials and yet most of them were failing to comply with the motion which was aimed at helping clamp down on graft.
While still part of the Inclusive-Government, Morgan Tsvangirai and his top executives declared their assets.
Nearly everyone in the top brass of the party listed houses, land, cars, livestock and household goods in their inventories.
In America, under a 1978 federal ethics law, presidential candidates must file a personal financial disclosure with the Federal Election Commission within 30 days after announcing their candidacies (they can request two 45-day extensions).
The filing must detail their financial interests and income, as well as those of their spouses and dependent children.
Chinese President Xi Jinping launched a sweeping crackdown on deep-rooted graft since taking over the party’s leadership in late 2012 and the presidency in 2013.
Dozens of senior officials have been investigated or jailed.
The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) is the highest internal-control institution of the Communist Party of China (CPC), tasked with enforcing internal rules and regulations and combating corruption and malfeasance in the party.
Since the vast majority of officials at all levels of government are also Communist Party members, the commission is in practice the top anti-corruption body in China.
Historically the work of the CCDI has been directed by the party’s top leaders, however, beginning with Hu Jintao’s term as party leader in 2002, and especially following Xi Jinping’s assumption of the party leadership in 2012, the CCDI has undergone significant reforms to make it more independent from party operations below the Central Committee.
At the end of February this year, the CCDI started two months investigations at 26 state-owned enterprises in sectors such as energy, technology and telecommunications.
In May, nearly 20 senior executives from these enterprises were announced to be under investigation for alleged corruption.
Several retired senior managers were announced as also under investigation.
But the CCDI is not just outward looking in its investigations.
Last year one of its corruption inspectors was also placed under investigation for violation of its regulations and discipline laws.
Transparency and accountability are the central pillars of good governance.
Elected officials are duty-bound to ensure that they serve for the good of their constituents and not to enrich themselves.
The long-term effects of mucky deals on development in Africa are that the continent will continue to lag behind.
Corruption condemns Africa to remain the ‘dark continent’ and it sentences Africa’s children to malnutrition, to poor education facilities and to be beggars in their motherland.
While we might look at Western countries as a factor in Africa’s lack of development, as Africans we should also shoulder the blame where we have failed.
The Chinese case proves that corruption is an uphill battle, but the war can be won.

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