HomeOld_PostsRegime change and labour unions in Zim

Regime change and labour unions in Zim

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By Tafadzwa Masango and Dambudzo Mapuranga

BETWEEN 1996 and 1999, George Limke of the Danish Trade Union Council came to Zimbabwe to transform the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) into a political party. 

Part of his terms of reference was to also identify other groups in the country, which had to join the proposed new political party that would spearhead the regime change agenda. 

The transformation of ZCTU into a political party meant that for the first time in the history of Zimbabwe, workers and employers, strange bedfellows, were to operate as one. Academics, students, small political groups and anyone who expressed critical views on ZANU PF were brought together into this new party.

The urgency and total concurrence by the West to remove ZANU PF from power can only be fully appreciated if one casts back to the full spectrum of events in the country around that time: the revolutionary resolutions adopted at the ZANU PF Annual National People’s Conference held in Mutare in 1997, the designation of 1 500 white-held farms in 1997, the abandonment of the pro-capital ESAP and its replacement with pro-Zimbabwean economic policies, the increased emphasis on black empowerment and the insertion of a provision in the draft Constitution which would enable Government to acquire land from white farmers without payment for the value of the land, but for improvements only. 

The long and short of the matter is that, in the 1990s, the labour movement had large numbers that were as result of a thriving economy, pre-sanctions. 

The workers who formed the base of the MDC were drawn from the very factories that a few years down the line the likes of the late Morgan Tsvangirai ecstatically rejoiced when they closed claiming that the economic environment was making production unviable in comparison to neighbouring countries. 

The other huge chunk of support for the new formed MDC, the students, who, all things being equal, would have found employment once graduating became the source of rising unemployment figures in the country. 

They unwittingly marched in support of the very political party which in turn ruined their future. 

When the labour union allowed itself to be transformed into a political party so that it could serve the interests of former white farmers and Western capital, it did not realise that not only was it destroying itself, but burning the future of generations to come. 

The death of the labour movement and its resurrection as a political party proved to be a boon for its leaders, while the rank and file workers found themselves in a worse of situation. 

The decline of unions and the attempts by Western ambassadors to jumpstart these relics we have been witnessing in recent months is ironic. 

The ZCTU, which is now a former shell of itself, having been abandoned by its largest affiliate, the Zimbabwe Teachers Union, on accusations of continuously dabbling in opposition politics, undermining the cause of workers, is no longer a key player in the political matrix. 

The variance between formal and informal employment figures shows that the later has more power and thus renders unions useless. 

This is the reason, in the past months, the opposition has been failing to define what its protest strategy against ZANU PF and Government is.  

It cannot call for a demonstration because the number of the formally employed would not fill the streets as what used to happen during the early 1990s. 

It cannot call for a mass stay away because the informally employed understand one simple aspect — staying away from work means on food on the table. 

The recent tactic of having individual unions ‘protest’ against Government is nothing more than a gimmick which has had to be padded with fake abduction stunts in attempts to breathe life into the labour movement.  

The politicisation of the medical profession unions at the behest of certain Western diplomats paints a bleak picture and of course exposes the desperation of those pushing the regime change agenda. 

It is a pity that those who fall for these tricks fail to realise that they are being used to provide publicity platforms for a few individuals with little or no attention paid to members’ needs. Much like what happened with the ZCTU, it is the leaders of the union who gain some political currency when they perform one of the stunts that attracts the nation’s attention for a fleeting moment. 

But when all is said and done, when the 15 seconds of fame are gone, the rest of the union members go back to their lives while those who grabbed headlines are rewarded for their efforts. 

We have seen this play over and over again. 

Interesting enough, it is only in cases such as ours that labour unions are being exploited by outsiders where they are given prominence. 

The appreciation of the strength of labour unions has seen them being reduced to side shows in Western countries. 

A key function of labour unions has been the protection of the worker. However, in the US, President Donald Trump has taken numerous anti-worker actions; scrapping several worker safety rules, rolling back a regulation extending overtime pay to million more workers and killing a rule that required Wall Street firms to act in the best interests of workers when overseeing their 401(k) plans. 

President Trump has even nominated, as labour secretary, a lawyer who has spent decades fighting on behalf of corporations to weaken worker protections.

President Donald Trump speaks during a campaign rally at the Lake Charles Civic Center, Friday, Oct. 11, 2019, in Lake Charles, La. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)

However, this did not begin with President Trump. 

For the past four decades, the US’ corporations and conservative politicians have often worked hand-in-glove to hobble labour unions. 

The result has been clear; reduced bargaining power and political power for workers overall. 

The US’ unions and workers have less power in policy making and the workplace than they had in decades. 

The percentage of workers in unions is at its lowest level in over a century – down to 10,5 percent from a peak of 35 percent. 

This explains why wages have stagnated for decades, income inequality has soared and corporations and billionaire donors have undue sway over US politics, policymaking and political appointments. 

In the 2015-16 election cycle, business outspent unions 16-to-1–US$3,4 billion to US$213 million – according to the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics. 

Each year, all of the nation’s unions spend about US$48 million on lobbying in Washington, while corporate America spends more than US$2,5 billion – more than 50 times as much. 

This has made many in Congress far more attentive to corporations than to workers, thus the rush to cut corporate taxes, but the failure to increase the minimum wage.

So, while the US Government is busy crushing any attempts by workers to organise collective bargain, in countries like Zimbabwe, it is propping up labour movements so that they become tools for regime change. 

The funding of labour unions by the arms of the US Government through conduits such as the National Endowment for Democracy, International Republican Institute and National Democratic Institute has nothing to do with strengthening workers’ rights because, as the old adage says: ‘Charity begins at home’. 

The US has failed to protect its workers and, as such, cannot undertake to champion that cause in Zimbabwe.

In fact, Zimbabwe has done a whole lot better in terms of protection of workers’ rights in comparison to the US. 

Platforms such as the Tripartite Negotiation Forum are a vibrant way of ensuring that Government, workers and business come together to ensure that they find each other and navigate key socio-economic matters. 

Union leaders are allowed to go about their business and workers are not threatened for taking part in union activities. 

When America’s workers mount unionisation drives, the playing field is usually tilted heavily in favour of corporations. 

Managers have access to workers 24/7 and often show anti-union videos in lunchrooms and break rooms. 

They often require employees to attend meetings where high-priced consultants tell workers that unions are corrupt and only want their dues money and that companies have shuttered workplaces like theirs after unionising. 

Meanwhile, corporations, thanks to the Supreme Court’s Lechmere ruling, have the right to prohibit union organisers from setting foot on company property!

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