THE most frightening thing about post-colonial states, especially Zimbabwe, is that their independence remains under threat from their erstwhile colonisers.
Evidence of the spirited attempts by Western countries to regain control of Zimbabwe’s economy and wealth is seen in the ongoing ferocious tussle for leadership of the envisaged, but sure to fail, coalition of opposition parties in the country.
The recent admission by the Zimbabwe People First (ZimPF) leader Joice Mujuru that her counterpart and MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai is ‘popular in the West’ is an incredible footnote of the ferocity of the West’s neo-colonialism agenda not only in Zimbabwe but throughout the African continent.
What Mujuru forgot to tell the world was that she is on the same wavelength with Tsvangirai, the West’s neo-colonial agenda blue-eyed boy.
Both Tsvangirai and Mujuru represent the first major challenge of post-colonial states which is often plagued by short-term thinking on the part of both the puppets and puppeteers.
Where the quislings want power, they in reality do not know what to do with that power while the puppeteers are more often than not simply driven by the desire to destabilise their target countries.
The recent wave of ‘protests’ were supposed to destroy infrastructure in the country, they were supposed to leave Zimbabwe in ruins the same way they left Libya in tatters.
What such provocative Western-sponsored actions require is a proactive security sector which stands for peace and defends the nation.
Again in Zimbabwe, the security sector is also a target for neo-colonial agitators.
Yet besides those badges of honour that our esteemed security men and women carry, they also represent the ideals of the liberation struggle that brought about the independence that those in the opposition want to abuse under the guise of ‘democracy’.
But the biggest threat to post-colonial states is targeted at the economy, especially ownership and control of land and resources.
In the 1960s, the famous intellectual, Frantz Fanon, described neo-colonialism as: “The continued exploitation of the continent from outside and within, together with European political intervention during the post-independence years.”
Our economy is being shellacked by the West who are frantically trying to have Tsvangirai and Mujuru coalesce under an entity which must remove President Robert Mugabe and ZANU PF from power on behalf of Europe and America.
That is not going to happen because most of the liberation struggle questions like the emotive land issue and control of the economy have been answered.
What is left is to continue building a ‘socialist’ society in which everyone enjoys the benefits of independence.
The compelling issues which Fanon raises are found, unfortunately, in a post-independence bourgeoisie which does not believe in the transformation of a nation but transformation of their pockets and lives at the expense of an expectant majority.
Corruption!
Corruption is the exploitation of wealth from within by our own.
Corruption is the enemy of the people.
Corruption is the bane to development in a post-independent state.
What Zimbabwe requires is working towards the ‘socialist’ transformation of a society is to recognise the historical, social and other existing practical realities of pre-independence Zimbabwe.
One of those practical realities is the capitalist system which, in all fairness, cannot be transformed overnight.
This is what President Mugabe spoke about during the country’s third independence anniversary celebrations when he said:
“To us, therefore, this independence anniversary must serve as a reminder of our total rejection of capitalism because of its incompatibility with our definition and interpretation of true democracy, which postulates the theory of equal political and economic rights.”
This was mainly because the fruits of increased productivity in the economy were enjoyed by only a small white minority of the Zimbabwean population, while the black majority was marginalised, exploited or ignored.
The years of colonial domination had sought to create total dependence of our people not only in political and economic terms, but also in ideological, social and cultural terms.
The protracted armed struggle on the other hand led to a total devastation of the social and economic infrastructure throughout the country.
Zimbabwe has fought neo-colonialism on two fronts; uplifting the livelihoods of the people through the heroic and historic Land Reform and Resettlement and the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Programmes and negating the regime change agenda.
The Economic Structural Adjustment Programme, The Case of Zimbabwe 1990- 1995 Report notes that:
“The Zimbabwean model of economic development was to be based on a co-existence of socialism and private enterprise… Because the war had destroyed the returnees’ (people displaced by the war) houses, livestock and agricultural implements and inputs, the government had to support them materially until they could find their feet again.
This meant it had to provide everything from food, shelter, tools, seeds, fertiliser to draught power, to thousands of people throughout the country all at once.
By April 1981, the Government had spent over Z$61 million to supply seed and fertiliser packs to over 235 000 families and to feed 700 000 across the country.”
The battle to completely own and control resources without intrusion and interference by the West remains a task that needs vigilance.
Vices like corruption make this task a difficult one and there is need to rally behind working for the people, especially with 2018 elections around the corner.
Let those with ears listen.